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The ‘Goon Squad’ torture of...

The ‘Goon Squad’ torture of Eddie Parker & Michael Jenkins cries out for uncomfortable reckoning

By: Russ Latino - August 10, 2023

Jenkins’ and Parker’s abuse at the hands of the very people entrusted to protect them cannot be swept under the rug if justice is at all a goal. We must be unafraid to shine a light on the actions of officers who abuse power–to tear out root and branch any part of the system that makes them comfortable in the abuse.

On January 24th, six armed intruders broke into a house in Braxton, Mississippi. Once inside, they found two Black men, Eddie Terrell Parker and Michael Corey Jenkins. The intruders brandished guns. A shot was fired into a wall of the home to intimidate Parker and Jenkins into submission.

The men were handcuffed, beaten, and brutalized. Racial slurs like “nigger” and “monkey” and “boy” were allegedly volleyed by their tormentors. Jenkins and Parker were told to leave Rankin County, to go back to Jackson or “their side of the Pearl River.”

A dildo was mounted on the end of a BB gun and forced into Parker’s mouth. One of the assailants threatened to sodomize the men with the sex toy. He only stopped when he grabbed the back of Jenkins’ pants and realized his victim had defecated himself.

Parker and Jenkins were then subjected to a series of additional humiliations. Milk, chocolate syrup, alcohol, and cooking oil were poured over their heads and into their mouths. Eggs were hurled at the men. They were then forced to strip naked and shower together.

The intruders robbed the home. They took turns tasing Parker and Jenkins to see who owned the strongest taser. The tasers used were discharged seventeen times during this cruel ‘game.’

A gun was shoved into Jenkins mouth. He was inadvertently shot. The bullet sliced through his tongue, shattered his jaw, and exited out of his neck.

Jenkins laid bleeding out on the floor while the criminals planned their getaway. Fortunately, he survived.

Not a John Grisham Novel

What appears above is not the dramatized plot of a John Grisham novel set in the segregated 1960s South, though it may seem that way at first blush.

These are the facts contained in a criminal information filed by the U.S. Department of Justice against five officers of the Rankin County Sheriff’s Office (RCSO) and one officer with the Richland Police Department (RPD), set in the year 2023.

What happened that night, and the offensive language the officers are accused of using, are relayed here not for a cheap shock, but to rebuff any effort to sugarcoat the depth of depravity at play. What occured to Parker and Jenkins was dehumanizing.

The officers involved pled guilty to a vast assortment of crimes laid out by the Department of Justice last week. The counts pled against each man carry maximum penalties that could put them in prison for the remainder of their lives.

Sentencing should be proportionate to the crime at hand, which is to say it should be severe, particularly when the devastating abuse of power and erosion of public trust are considered. Sentencing should also contemplate not only what the consequence was–Jenkins living and being exonerated–but also what could have been–Jenkins dying or serving nearly 40 years in prison on trumped up charges (more on that below).

The Department of Justice also obtained guilty pleas from Dedmon, Updyke and Elward in a separate incident in which Dedmon beat and tased a man to coerce a confession. C.J. Lemasters at WLBT has done a good job of documenting a long history of legal complaints filed against the officers involved.

The Lead Up

What preceded and followed Jenkins’ and Parker’s torture is, in some ways, as troubling as the abuse itself.

On January 24th, Brett McAlpin, who at the time was the Chief Investigator of the Rankin County Sheriff’s Office, was notified by a neighbor that two Black men were living in a nearby house at 135 Conerly Road in Braxton. The neighbor reported “suspicious activity.”

McAlpin reached out to Christian Dedmon, Narcotics Investigator at RCSO about the complaint. McAlpin and Dedmon, along with the other men involved that night were part of a group they called the ‘Goon Squad.’ The Department of Justice says it knows of more members of this squad and its investigation into the Sheriff’s Office continues. The FBI is actively soliciting information on other cases.

At 9:28 PM that night, Dedmon texted RCSO Lieutenant Jeffery Middleton and patrol Deputies Hunter Elward and Daniel Updyke. Dedmon asked “are y’all up for a mission?”

No warrant had been issued to search the premises of 135 Conerly Road, or for the arrest of anyone on the premises. And there were no reported “exigent” circumstances–imminent danger–that would have allowed for entry without a warrant.

Dedmon informed the group of the potential for cameras at the property and that they should “work easy.” The Department of Justice says this was understood code to knock instead of breaking down doors. Upon being told to “work easy,” Elward responded with an eyeroll emoji and Updyke with a gif of a baby crying.

The men wanted some wild west action.

Dedmon followed by noting “if we don’t see cameras go.” He warned the group “no bad mugshots,” a phrase understood to be a green light to use excessive force on the parts of the body not captured by a mugshot.

These are not the words and deeds of men engaging in rogue misconduct for the first time. These are the words and deeds of men with their own unique language and own experience handling matters off the books.

The Rendezvous

Middleton, Elward, and Updyke met up at the Cato Volunteer Fire Department. Dedmon, who was in route, radioed that Richland Police Department (RPD) Narcotics Officer Joshua Hartfield was riding with him. Dedmon and Hartfield drove by the staging area and Middleton, Elward, and Updyke formed a convoy behind him in their RCSO vehicles.

The men arrived at the property, where Chief Investigator McAlpin had already been surveilling the property. Noticing a camera near the front entrance, the RCSO officers proceeded to a side carport door, while Richland officer Hartfield went to the back door. The officers kicked in the side and back doors and made entry.

Once inside, Officer Dedmon tased Jenkins. Officer Elward tased Parker. The men were handcuffed and placed under arrest without probable cause of any crime being committed. Then two hours of real nightmare began.

Each officer would play their own roles in the torture. It was Dedmon and Elward who fired shots. Dedmon at a wall, and then outside, during the mock execution phase of the evening. Elward through the mouth of Jenkins.

The Coverup

The latter shot by Elward was cruelty gone awry. Elward believed his trigger pull to be a dry fire, or without a bullet in the chamber. He was wrong. Panic set in.

While Jenkins lay bleeding on the floor, the officers concocted a cover up. The story became that Dedmon had observed Jenkins in the driveway, had obtained consent to search him without a warrant, and had found two bags of methamphetamine.

From there, the story would go that Elward took Jenkins inside the house to conduct a drug buy over the phone, removed Jenkins’ handcuffs, and Jenkins reached for a gun, which prompted Elward to shoot him in self defense.

They apparently did not contemplate the difficulty of explaining a self defense shot from inside Jenkins’ mouth, nor whether the story would line up with the text messages between the officers. Hard to sync up how you just happened upon a man loitering outside a residence when your texts demonstrated a plot ahead of time to breach the home.

Lieutenant Middleton offered to plant a “throw down” gun he kept in his patrol vehicle–a .38 snubnose revolver that was not registered to him. Elward chose instead to use the BB gun to which he had earlier affixed the dildo. He set it down beside Jenkins, who was still seriously wounded and without medical attention.

Dedmon offered to take care of the drugs, producing some methamphetamine he had previously confiscated from an informant, but had not turned into evidence. The officers began trying to clean the scene, looking for spent cases and collecting spent taser cartridges.

That Middleton and Dedmon had ready a plant gun and drugs, again, suggests something much more insidious and systemic than a first time blunder.

Hartfield attempted to burn the clothes Jenkins and Parker had been wearing when doused with cooking oil, chocolate, milk, and eggs. When he could not figure out how to do that (they were too wet), he tossed them in the nearby woods.

Hartfield also ripped out the hard drive of a home surveillance system and later threw it in Steen Creek in Florence.

Meanwhile, McAlpin worked to get witnesses in line. He attempted to convince Parker to go along with their story, promising he could make sure Parker did not do prison time. McAlpin and Middleton also threatened to kill any of the officers that did not stick to the story.

Elward and Dedmon filed false felony charges against Jenkins, the man Elward had shot, for assaulting an officer and for various drug offenses. The crimes carried a combined maximum of 39 years in prison. Those charges remained pending until July 5th when they were remanded.

In late June, Rankin County Sheriff Bryan Bailey announced that some of the involved officers had previously resigned, but that those who were still on the force during the department’s internal investigation had been terminated. The announcement lacked specificity on which officers fell into which category.

Reckoning with the Present

For quite some time I have been critical of the way media treats Mississippi. No doubt part of that is driven by my love of our state and its people.

But a bigger part still of my disdain for the coverage of our state is a belief that even today we unfairly battle the perception that Mississippi has made no progress from the dark days of the fight for Civil Rights. I hold no illusion that we are perfect, but I think the way we are painted, more often than not, is in false light.

As a guy who has lived and worked in New York, D.C., New Orleans, and Nashville, and who has traveled all over the country, Mississippi’s warts are the nation’s warts. The human heart is prone to failures no matter where it resides. Our past just makes it cheapier and easier to score points on our present than most places.

What happened on January 24th in Rankin County poses a challenge to my belief that we have made real progress, though. It demands an answer. It demands uncomfortable reckoning. In the interim, all the scorn the media and the general public can muster is deserved.

Without a warrant, without probable cause, these officers of the law should have never been at 135 Conerly Road that night. But even if a warrant had existed, even if Jenkins and Parker had been doing something illegal, nothing in our system of justice affords officers the power to sadistically torture suspects.

Jenkins and Parker were owed due process. Their abuse at the hands of the very people entrusted to serve and protect them cannot be swept under the rug, minimized, or ignored if fundamental justice is at all a goal.

These officers dishonored their badges, their fellow officers, and their duty to the public. Their actions provide foothold to every critic of our state, and more generally, of policing in America.

McAlpin, Middleton, Dedmon, Elward, Updyke, and Hartfield plainly existed in a culture where they felt little fear of reprisal for their own vigilante lawlessness. The stain of their deeds will not end with their sentencing.

We should make clear that we are not what they are. That involves being unafraid to shine a light on their actions–to tear out root and branch any part of the system that would make men comfortable abusing their power this way.

For their part, Jenkins and Parker have filed a $400 million lawsuit in federal court. As a recovering lawyer, I cannot fathom a scenario where they receive a settlement or verdict anywhere in that ballpark. But, the County, and by extension its taxpayers, could be on the line for millions.

The exposed misconduct of the ‘Goon Squad’ cast a pall over all of the cases these officers were involved in solving. This should not be a jailbreak moment, but there probably needs to be some systematic review of previous collars. It is frightening to think that after torturing Jenkins, had the officers’ story not cracked, he could have sat in prison for 39 years as part of their coverup.

We must also safeguard against future abuses of power. One very simple way to do that is by requiring body cameras and making it so that the public can access footage when a controversy of public trust arises. That move could help protect both officers, from false accusation, and citizens.

Finally, a word about how tribalism can prevent accountablility. Too often in modern discussions of policing, we have the tendency of retreating into our side’s “safe space.” At their extremes, one tribe blindly “backs the blue,” while another would “defund the police.” Those are childish poles for unserious people.

Police officers serve an important function in society. They deserve much of the honor they receive. But they are people and people are fallible–that fallibility comes into particular focus when people are granted unique power. Imbued with the great power of life and death over the people with whom law enforcement interacts, there must be real accountability when that power is misused.

Author’s Note: For some great period of time I debated quoting from the Department of Justice’s criminal information the full n-word. I ultimately decided that not quoting it, as it was spelled out in the criminal information, would have the effect of sterilizing or diminishing the sting of what Jenkins and Parker might have felt in those moments.

About the Author(s)
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Russ Latino

Russ is a proud Mississippian and the founder of Magnolia Tribune Institute. His research and writing have been published across the country in newspapers such as The Wall Street Journal, National Review, USA Today, The Hill, and The Washington Examiner, among other prominent publications. Russ has served as a national spokesman with outlets like Politico and Bloomberg. He has frequently been called on by both the media and decisionmakers to provide public policy analysis and testimony. In founding Magnolia Tribune Institute, he seeks to build on more than a decade of organizational leadership and communications experience to ensure Mississippians have access to news they can trust and opinion that makes them think deeply. Prior to beginning his non-profit career, Russ practiced business and constitutional law for a decade. Email Russ: